Comments:Some Bsq forms may have been influenced by Lat. cuculla 'hood, monk's cowl' (Span. cogulla, etc.), but this cannot explain most of the Bsq words. According to Aulestia & White standard Bsq uses txano or txoto for 'hood' and 'cowl'.
Comments:"Vulva, parte exterior de la vagina en el ganado" (Azkue). A homonym of the Bsq noun-forming suffix *-kunca, but here it seems to correspond to PSC *xḳħǝlć̣V́. Cf. the phonetic development in PY *gVns-.
Comments:Some of the forms resemble Romance (Trask 1995: Sp. grulla, etc.), but Pyrenean kurri, kurru are not derivable from Rom. On the other hand it is likely that Bsq influenced Sp., i.e. the Sp. form with ending -lla is not found in other Rom. languages. In current Spanish grúa is used for ‘mechanical crane, derrick’ and grulla for the bird: the latter seems to be a blend of Old Sp. grúa + a Vasconic form similar to Bsq kurillo. Cf. Bur *qarū́-ỵo 'heron', etc.
Comments:Various compounds (*oś-kol, *koś-kol, *mo-kol(o), *a-kal) involving the element *kVl < PSC *q̇wăɫV́. *mo- and *a- could represent fossilized class prefixes.
Comments:For the semantic connection of 'slip, slide > rub > polish, whet' cf. German schleifen, Scheifenstein, etc. Bsq retains an archaic syllabic structure, *labaɨ-n- < *ʎāwE-n- or the like, remodeled in PNC as *ʔāʎwE. There may be some contamination with reflexes of Lat. novacula ‘razor’ > Cat. navalla, Port. navalha, Sp. navaja; cf. the eastern Bsq loanwords (ZBR) nabéla, (RNC) ñabla, (SAL) nabla ‘razor’.
Comments:Chirikba (1985) compared this with Proto-Abkhaz-Tapant *lǝgǝ 'slave, old man', which seems to be an early loanword from ECauc (Lak Lak:- ethnonym: see NCED under *lĭwŁĔ / *ŁĭwlV̆). By another route, Bsq *lagun resembles Armenian aɫaxin 'serving woman, female slave', according to NCED a loanword ultimately from Hurrian *allae-ɣǝ 'household', which also gave rise to EC words for slave: Av., Cham. laʁ, Darg. laʁ, Lak. laʁ, Tind. laʁa, Akhv., Kar. laʁe, God. laʁi 'slave', etc. (see NCED under *ʔV̄ƛ̣V). This is only relevant if the Anatolian migrants who brought the Vasconic language to western Europe were (in part or all) former slaves in Anatolia, but so far this is speculative without a better understanding of ancient population movements.
Comments:Azkue cites this in the form lai, usually heard in the definite form laia. The Span. word laya apparently comes from this Bsq word (per Diccionario de la lengua española; see also Trask 1997: 418).Cf. PNC *ƛ̣_VχwV 'rake'.
Comments:There could be some influence from Rom. lambere, but the peculiar Bsq formations (*lam- ~ *lim-) and distribution of forms (in Pyrenean and peripheral dialects) could indicate survival of an archaic lexeme.
High Navarrese:etzi-damu-atzetik 1, (Esteribar) etzi-damu 1
Low Navarrese:etzi-damu 1, (Larraun) etzi-amu 1
Salazarese:etzi-damu-ago 1
Lapurdian:etzi-damu 1
Baztanese:etzi-damu 1
Roncalese:etzi-damu-ago 1
Comments:The segment *[lamu] only occurs in compounds with *eci ‘day after tomorrow’, but as a separate morpheme has the initial reflex *l- (rather than the expected medial reflex *-rd- or *-rt-); subsequently the *l, now in a medial position, has shifted to /r/ or /d/ in most Bsq dialects, with original /l/ only in some Bizkaian dialects.
Comments:The Bsq-NCauc semantic link is not very precise, but typologically possible: cf. Old Slavic dělo ‘work’ : děti ‘to put’. In ST cf. especially Tibetan la-s 'action, act, deed, work' < PST *lǝ̆H 'to act, treat'.
Comments:A northeastern Bsq isogloss. Cf. PNC *ʎ_ä̆[m]c̣V 'to sift, to filter'. For semantics, cf. Swedish sil ‘strainer’, sila ‘to strain; trickle, pour (of rain)’, etc.
Comments:Cf. PNC *ƛ̣ăpi 'leaf'. In Bsq the root means 'bramble bush, briar', and there is some blending among several variants with similar meanings: *lapa-r̄, *lahar̄, and *gapa-r̄, q.v., but all come from distinct etyma.
